Saturday, December 8, 2007

Patil, Bartek & Lewis

Thanks in advance for your comments.


The Interplay of Locality and Surprisal
Umesh Patil, Brian Bartek and Richard Lewis

Dependency Locality Theory (DLT) (Gibson 1998, 2000) predicts increasing processing difficulty at the verb as argument-verb distance is increased. However, recently Levy (2007), using surprisal (Hale 2001), has argued that increasing argument-head distance can sharpen the expectation for the verb, resulting in a facilitation at the verb -- an antilocality effect. We show that, although in general DLT and surprisal appear to make conflicting predictions, for certain constructions this is not necessarily the case.

An example is Grodner and Gibson's (2005) experiment (see 1.a-c). They varied argument-head distance in object-extracted RCs with an unmodified subject (1-a), a PP modified subject (1-b), and an RC-modified subject (1-c). The DLT predicts monotonically increasing processing difficulty at the first verb (supervised) in (1-a) to (1-c) due to the increase in predicted integration cost. By contrast, surprisal predicts that the increase in the number of preverbal constituents facilitates the expectation of upcoming verb. Using a self-paced reading study Grodner and Gibson provide evidence that supports DLT's predictions.

We demonstrate that surprisal's antilocality prediction can be seen in these materials after DLT's effect on reading times is partialled out. Bartek et al (2006) replicated Grodner and Gibson's experiment using eyetracking, and also carried out a second experiment with the same design but using short (4-6 words), high-frequency words (>50-per-million occurrences).

For these two experiments, we fitted a linear mixed-effects model with fixation durations at the verb 'supervised' as dependent measure and DLT's predictions as a fixed effect (sentences and participants were the random effects), and examined the residuals, which constitute the variance unexplained by DLT. Interestingly, we found that, in the Grodner and Gibson replication the mean residual values showed a pattern consistent with surprisal's predictions (monotonically decreasing reading times in 1-a to 1-c at the verb); this was principally seen in first-pass measures such as single fixation duration, first fixation duration, and first pass reading time. In the second experiment, which had the same design but short, high-frequency words, the antilocality effect was evident in the residuals only for single fixation duration.

In sum, we show that surprisal's predictions can be seen even in data that apparently show locality effects as predicted by DLT. Moreover, surprisal's predictions are seen largely in early eyetracking measures; this is consistent with the fact that the surprisal value depends on the satisfaction of the expectation for the upcoming verb, which occurs immediately after lexical access.

(1)
a. The administrator who the nurse supervised scolded the medic while ...
b. The administrator who the nurse from the clinic supervised scolded the medic while ...
c. The administrator who the nurse who was from the clinic supervised scolded the medic while . . .

References:
1. Bartek, B., Smith, M., Lewis, R., and Vasishth, S (1998). Linking working memory processes with self-paced reading and eyetracking measures: How lexical processing load and SPR exaggerate locality effects. In Proceedings of the CUNY sentence processing conference, La Jolla, CA.
2. Gibson, E. (1998). Linguistic complexity: Locality of syntactic dependencies. Cognition, 68, 1-76.
3. Gibson, E. (2000). Dependency locality theory: A distance-based theory of linguistic complexity. In A. Marantz, Y. Miyashita, & W. O’Neil (Eds.). Image, language, brain: Papers from the first mind articulation project symposium. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
4. Grodner, D. and Gibson, E. (2005). Some consequences of the serial nature of linguistic
input. Cognitive Science, 29(2):261–290.
5. Hale, J. (2001). A probabilistic Earley parser as a psycholinguistic model. In Proceedings of
NAACL, volume 2, pages 159–166.
6. Levy, R. (2007). Expectation-based syntactic comprehension. In press, Cognition.

3 comments:

Titus von der Malsburg said...

Nicely written, except for the title which is not exactly snappy. Interplay is too unspecific.

"for certain constructions this is not necessarily the case", instead say "is not the case". Otherwise it sound as if you doubt your own results.

Without further knowledge about what you did, my first thought was: Well, uhm, when the prediction of surprisal is roughly the opposite of DLT, then you could explain the residuals by only saying that DTL's prediction is a bit too strong. The error would then just coincidentally conform to surprisal.

Could you somehow exclude this interpretation with a few words, if necessary?

Is it possible to disambiguate this using the interaction with frequency?

Apart from that, it would be nice if you could say something about high-frequency case. (Or is the explanation obvious and I just don't see it?) Theoretically, shouldn't surprisal be more visible there?

Marisa said...

Hi Umesh. Interesting research, I just had a few comments:

I'm unclear about the thesis: Is the main idea that although DLT and Levy's Surprisal appear to make conflicting predictions for verb-argument distance, the results are just different because they're predicting different aspects of the data? I'm not a psycholing expert by any means (so the community may be able to grasp this more easily), but I had difficulty understanding the main purpose from the first paragraph.

The second sentence was difficult for me to read. Maybe instead say:

"However, Levy's (2007) Surprisal experiments demonstrate an antilocality effect, indicating that an increase in argument-head distance can sharpen the expectation for the verb."

You can cut down on a few words:

"Interestingly" -> (none)

"even in data" -> in data

"Moreover, surprisal's predictions are seen largely in early eyetracking measures; this is consistent with the fact that the surprisal value depends on the satisfaction of the expectation for the upcoming verb, which occurs immediately after lexical access."

->
"Surprisal's prediction are seen in early eyetracking measures. This is consistent with studies that indicate the surprisal value depends on satisfaction of the expectation for the upcoming verb (citations), which occurs immediately after lexical access."

Umesh said...

Titus, Marisa, thanks a lot for your timely comments.